<<
>>

§3. On Cyprus of a mode of the limited independence (1959-60)

in the Winter 1958/59 diplomatic activity on the Cyprian direction has reached an establishment of the culmination. In December, 1958 Greek-Turkish negotiations at level of Ministers for Foreign Affairs in New York and Paris where the representative of the Great Britain has joined them have taken place.
In January, 1959 the new meeting minindel Greece has followed and Turkey in French столице.100 «Macmillan's Plan» in contacts more did not appear, but the variant of settlement with a recognition of independence of Cyprus limited to an interdiction of any form of its association with Greece and-or Turkey began to find outlines, at preservation on island of the British military bases and construction of the state system by a principle of the double power and ethnic dualism. London, it was provided to allocate Athenes and Ankara with the status of the states-guarantors of the reached status quo. « The sketch »the given project has appeared for the first time during negotiations in Paris and consequently« the Parisian sketch ».101 is known in a historiography under the name Aspiring to provide achievement of arrangements and to remove danger of deterioration of relations with the Great Britain and Turkey, Athenes actually isolated from negotiations of leaders of Greeks-Cypriotes. Only on January, 29th, 1959 about results of tripartite contacts it has been told Makariosu, 102 which has informed (vaguely enough and only a few days later) about G.Grivasu.103Kak's their essence were unambiguously marked, the choice existed only between prospect of section of island, on the one hand, and refusal from "enozisa" in favour of limited to a number of conditions of independence of Cyprus, with another. Put before such rigid alternative, Makarios has been compelled to recede. Solving negotiations have taken place in Zurich and London in February, 1959. Discussion went at first in dvustoroshjum a format with participation of Greece and Turkey (Zurich, on February, 5-11th). Then dialogue have joined the Great Britain (London, on February, 11-16th) and representatives of both Cyprian communities (five-sided conference in London, on February, 17-19th). Despite presence of the preliminary basic arrangement between Athenes and Ankara, negotiations were difficult and напряженными.104Основная struggle has inflamed round requirements of Ankara about granting to it of military base on Cyprus and fastening of federal character of the state created on Cyprus. Taking into account a position of Greece these requirements eventually have been rejected, however persistence of Ankara has affected formulations of the total documents, concerning the internal device and the international status of the projected state - Republics Cypruss. On February, 11th, 1959 in Zurich prime ministers of Greece of K.Karamanlis and Turkey A.Menderes paraphed a package of agreements on Кипру.105 It included position about the government organisations, the contract on the guarantees, assumed to signing by Cyprus on the one hand and the Great Britain, Greece and Turkey with another, and also the contract on the union between Cyprus, Greece and Turkey. Besides it, between Athenes and Ankara «the gentlemen's agreement» on rendering of support to Cyprus has been reached at its introduction into NATO and the United Nations, and also in struggle with communistic угрозой.106 On February, 11-13th, 1959 in Athenes about an essence of arrangements has been in detail informed Makarios.
Reaction of the leader of Greeks-Cypriotes has appeared, in general, positive: having specified in desirability (but, we we will underline, not obligatory and strict necessity) entering into them of some amendments, the Archbishop has declared satisfaction the reached compromise. As he said, «the agreement pawns bases of immediate and definitive settlement, opening the new period of freedom and prosperity both for Greeks, and for a Turk of Cyprus».107 At the same time G.Grivas and the Greek-Cyprian nationalists have not been informed on details of arrangements: message Makariosa of G.Grivasu (on February, 13th, 1959) 108носило the most general character though it has been sustained in a positive. Considering opinion of Greece, and also understanding difficulty of continuation of struggle without authority Makariosa, G.Grivas has occupied a waiting attitude, having refused to support the agreement publicly. At the same time the group of nationalists led by metropolitan Kerinii Kiprianosom has rejected them. In Greece the public opinion part also has condemned arrangements as treachery "enozisa".109 Thus causes various estimations that, how much independently and after careful consideration the Archbishop has made the decision on support of the Zurich arrangements. On the one hand, Athenes, certainly, put upon it categorical pressure on purpose to provide favorable reaction to the Zurich compromise: aspiring to settle a question seriously complicating the relations with the Great Britain and Turkey, they were afraid, that failure of arrangements will lead to violent section of Cyprus. On the other hand, as it is represented, itself Makarios realised criticality of a situation and saw in the Zurich variant a comprehensible exit from нее.110 At the same time it is not excluded, that the Archbishop meaningly reserved possibility to consider it as a provisional measure - the intermediate stage on a way to an overall objective, "enozisu". In general throwings between "enozisom" and independence, characteristic for Makariosa since 1958 Have been caused by absence in it the most accurate vision of the scheme of settlement, and also pressure of the Greek-Cyprian nationalists. Against personal ambitions and objective difficulties of realisation "enozisa" the prospect to head the independent state became, apparently, even more attractive. From its part Turkey has been satisfied by the compromise giving the wide rights and powers to Turks-Cypriotes. In the Great Britain, despite preservation of opinion on necessity of deduction of all Cyprus under the British sovereignty (the thesis about «Cyprus as to base»), top took supporters of the project stated in «the Parisian sketch» and finished in Zurich (the thesis «bases on Cyprus»). As a result of tripartite negotiations in London 11 - the status of the British military bases and participation of London in the contract about гарантиях.111 on February, 15th, 1959 have been co-ordinated Nevertheless, at five-sided conference in London (17 - on February, 19th, 1959), called formally to fix the consent of communities with the English-Greek-Turkish arrangements developed without their direct participation, hot discussion again has inflamed. The reason was attempt Makariosa to recede from the position co-ordinated with Athenes and to achieve change of parametres of the agreement. The Prime minister of Greece K.Karamanlis, however, has frankly declared to the Archbishop that in that case Greeks-Cypriotes will lose support of Athenes and the island will be разделен.112 have not given results and contacts Makariosa to the representative of Turks-Cypriotes at F.Kjuchukom's negotiations. In the delegation of Greeks-Cypriotes including both right, and communists, too were not unities: some have supported new position Makariosa, the majority, however, under the pressure of Athenes, believed inevitable approval of the Zurich arrangements. Makarios, thus, it has appeared in isolation and has been compelled to crawfish. It is necessary to search for motives of such ambiguous behaviour of the Greek-Cyprian leader in features of the person of the Archbishop. Weighing various pro's and con's, Makarios to the last fluctuated between prospect of reception for Cyprus of a mode of the limited independence and struggle continuation for "enozis". True to Byzantian trunk-call tactics, he believed nevertheless possible to achieve some improvements of arrangements offered to signing. Besides the archbishop tried to dismiss from itself charges in excessive compliance and treachery "enozisa".113 As a result of Makariosu it was necessary to concede, but he has managed to achieve several important results for itself(himself). First, having appeared the opponent tsjurihsko - the London compromise, the Archbishop has won support of the considerable majority of Cypriotes that has allowed it to return triumphally to Cyprus on March, 1st, 1959 and it is easy to win on the presidential elections which have followed in December, 1959. Secondly, responsibility for a disfranchisement of the new state has appeared perelozhegajuj on Athenes: the position of Greece became solving to break objections Makariosa. Thus for the further development of the Cyprian situation the mistrust fact to tsjurihsko - to the London agreements from Greeks-Cypriotes who perceived them as imposed from the outside and unfair was key. Estimating arrangements as the compelled choice in favour of smaller of two harms, the considerable part of the Greek community estimated them as time and counted on them пересмотр.114 Similar feelings gave rise to intensity and threatened with destabilization new государству.115Сами the tsjurihsko-London agreements formed difficult system of mutual controls and counterbalances of interests of two Cyprian communities, Greece, Turkey and the Great Britain. According to the Contract on Republic Cyprus creation, beyond London two sovereign military bases on island remained and the right free to use other objects and an infrastructure for maintenance of the purposes. At the same time the Contract on the union provided, that defence of Cyprus is provided with joint efforts of Republic Cyprus, Greece and Turkey. Thereupon on island the tripartite incorporated staff was created, Athenes and Ankara acquired the right to place on island contingents as a part of 950 and 650 military men, accordingly. Besides, the Greek and Turkish officers have been urged to assist formation and training of the Cyprian army. Nicosia in turn incurred obligations to provide the independence, territorial integrity and safety, and also to counteract any activity aimed at section of island or its association with any other state ("enozis" and "taksim"). The agreement on the government organisation contained major principles of construction of the future constitution of independent Cyprus. For a basis the principle of the double power and the ethnic dualism, providing maintenance of interests of Greeks - and Turks-Cypriotes as two separate independent ethnic groups has been accepted. The given scheme recognised and de jure fixed existence on island different - in many respects already contradicting each other - identichnostej, aspiring institutsionalnym in the image them to counterbalance and reconcile. Its basic plan consisted in designing of such mechanism which application in practice would be possible only joint efforts of both communities. Calculation became thereby that necessity of maintenance of functionality and working capacity of a machinery of government will force Cypriotes to show constructibility and will accustom them to сотрудничеству.116 Thus, however, the elements of intercommunal interaction put in pawn in the constitution within the limits of built structure of the state bodies showed absence of mutual trust of Cypriotes and could conduct to abusings for the purpose of maintenance of egoistical ethnic interests. The tool of the fast permission of impasses it has not been provided. Behind two Cyprian communities the equal status "souchreditelej" the new state admitted. Taking into account actual structure of the population (77,1 % of Greeks - and 18,2 % of Turks-Cypriotes) 117 it was a concession to Turkish minority. Republic Cyprus state languages appeared Greek and Turkish. The right to develop independently "special" relations with Greece and Turkey in sphere of culture, formation, religion and sports was given to communities; they could use without restrictions the Greek and Turkish flag on a level with the Cyprian. Celebrating both Greek, and Turkish state holidays was established. Any possibility of association of island (entirely or in parts) with any other state was thus excluded, and corresponding propagation was forbidden. Participation of Cyprus in the economic and political unions was caused by joint participation in them of Greece and Turkey. In executive power sphere the presidential form of board led by the president the Greek-Cypriote and the vice-president a Turk - the Cypriote, standing on the posts separately, everyone in the ethnic community was established. Thus the vice-president was not simply the assistant to the president in its absence, and on volume of powers official actually equal to it that strengthened a principle of the double power. De jure the head of the state, the truth, the president unequivocally admitted, but it gave it only legal seniority. The government (ministerial council) was projected as a part of 7 Greeks-Cypriotes and 3 Turks-Cypriotes appointed in common the president and vitse-prezidentom.118 government Decisions were accepted by overwhelming majority, but the president and the vice-president possessed everyone the veto in questions of foreign policy, defence and safety. Concerning posts in public authorities also it was established kvotirovanie, giving to Turks-Cypriotes it is disproportionate big - taking into consideration demographic structure of the population - a share: 30 % of places on civil public service and in police, and also 40 % in armed forces. The last as already was mentioned, spoke traditional prevalence of a Turkish element in shots of power structures island. Besides, the element of "the double power» was underlined by that heads of some major state bodies and their assistants (the general public prosecutor, operating the central bank, the general inspector, the head of exchequer, etc.) should be without fail natives of different communities and be appointed to the posts the common decision of the president and the vice-president. In legislative sphere creation of joint parliament and separate chambers in each of communities was provided. The general parliament consisted of 50 places, 35 from which it was given Greek-Cyprian, and 15 - to the turko-Cyprian deputies selected each community separately. The post of the speaker was given to Greeks-Cypriotes, the vice-speaker - to Turks-kipriotam.119 Laws were accepted by the simple majority; thus, however, concerning the taxation, elections and local government the double qualified majority in two third of voices of representatives of each of communities was required. Besides, the president and the vice-president possessed the veto concerning parliament decisions - absolute in the field of foreign policy, defence and safety and postponed (the surmountable repeated decision of parliament) in other spheres. Formed to an ethnic sign in each of communities, chamber had large powers, including legislative, in sphere of religion, culture, the family right, formation and sports in the "" community. They could impose also separate taxes concerning a corresponding ethnic group for financing of this or that intracommunal activity and institutes. In the field of local government creation of separate Greek - and turko-Cyprian municipalities in all five large cities of island (Nicosia, Limassol, Famagusta, Larnaka, Pathos) was provided. Elections there should be spent separately to an ethnic sign. In judicial system the dualism principle also was applied. The Supreme Constitutional court, called to assort disputes between public authorities to interpret the constitution and to check on conformity to it laws and other official certificates, consisted of three judges - the Greek-Cypriote, a Turk - of the Cypriote and the "neutral" chairman of court - not the citizen of Cyprus, the Great Britain, Greece or Turkey. The Supreme court on civil and to criminal cases consisted of four judges: two Greeks-Cypriotes, a Turk - of the Cypriote and the "neutral" chairman possessing two voices. Decisions of these bodies were accepted by the simple majority of voices. The structure of courts of the lowest instance was defined depending on an ethnic accessory of the claimant and the respondent: for natives of one community the court was monoethnic, in other cases the mixed court was created. The major element of system of relations built round Cyprus was the Contract on guarantees. According to it, the Great Britain, Greece and Turkey appeared the states-guarantors of the special status of Republic Cyprus and were allocated with the right, in case of change of the state of affairs established by the tsjurihsko-London agreements, to undertake actions, joint or if those appear impossible, unilateral, for status quo restoration. The given position договора120 operated as concerning the international obligations of Cyprus, so in connection with its internal political устройством.121 The above-stated clearly shows, that agreements 1959 initially imposed serious restrictions on independence of Republic Kipr.122 As is paradoxical, but even independence of the new state was a measure compelled, concealing in itself a shade of a certain hopelessness: the tsjurihsko-London arrangements categorically prohibited any form of association of Cyprus with other state, without dependence from opinion of the population, and did not suppose its free participation in the unions and associations. Some positions of the constitution and system of a state system under any conditions could not be reconsidered will of the people of republic. The States-guarantors acquired the right of joint or unilateral intervention in internal affairs of Cyprus for status quo restoration. Dogovoreshjusti designed, thus, objectively difficult, bulky and nonflexible model of the government which embodiment in practice created obvious institutsionalnye трудности.123 Nevertheless, in the presence of good will of the parties it as it is represented 1959, could earn and already in the course of the functioning evolves in something more effective and работоспособное.124 Activity of the special commissions created for transfer of reached arrangements in a practical plane, confirms complexity conceived предприятия.125 the First commission was engaged in development of the constitution of the new state on the basis of the tsjurihsko-London agreement on the organisation of the government and presented by Greece and Turkey of projects (on April, 13th, 1959 - on April, 6th, 1960). Its work moved ahead hard, termination dates some times moved. Only connection of representatives of Athenes and Ankara, including at level of Ministers for Foreign Affairs, has allowed to finish work; but even thus the constitution has left some questions opened (in particular, the problem of separate municipalities was given on the coordination to the president and the vice-president of Cyprus). The second commission (March, 1959 - June, 1960) has concentrated on study of the status and privileges of the British bases on island. Its work also has met serious difficulties which overcoming needed intervention minindel to Greece, Turkey and the Great Britain: the meeting in a five-sided format, with participation of heads of Cyprian communities Makariosa and F.Kjuchuka, has taken place in Athenes 16 - on January, 18th, 1960 The third «the transitive commission», prosecuting subjects of transfer of questions of an executive power, consisted of the British Governor and representatives of the Greek and Turkish communities of Cyprus, showing a prototype of the government of island (with that understanding, however, that all decisions while were accepted by the Governor): Greeks-Cypriotes received "ministries" of foreign affairs, justices, the finance, trade and the industry, internal affairs, communications and public works, work and social security, and also a post of the deputy minister of agriculture; Turks-Cypriotes - portfolios of the Minister of Defence, public health services, agriculture, and also the deputy minister of the finance. In December, 1959 elections of the future president and the vice-president of Republic Cyprus have taken place. In a Turkish community of voting it was not spent in the absence of competitors to the unique candidate - F.Kjuchuku. In the Greek community a victory has gained Makarios (67 % or 144 thousand voices against 71 thousand At the candidate from I.Kliridisa's nationalists). On parliamentary elections of Cyprus on July, 31st, 1960 supporters Makariosa have received 30 of 35 places distributed among Greeks-Cypriotes. 5 places have got АКЭЛ.126 In the turko-Cyprian community all 15 places F.Kjuchuka's supporters have received, and in 14 districts elections were uncontested. On August, 7th formation of separate parliaments of communities has come to the end with voting; Greek-Cypriote K.Spiridakis and R.Denktash's Turk-Cypriote became speakers. On July, 7th, 1960 the bill of sovereignty transfer has been presented to the British House of Commons over Cyprus newborn "Republic Cyprus". Its statement has taken place on July, 29th, 1960 on August, 16th, 1960 independence new государства.127 Cyprus has been officially declared on September, 21st, 1960 became a member of the United Nations. As it is represented, formation of Republic Cyprus and an establishment of a special mode of relations round it became a resultant of two tendencies. On the one hand, movement for the national self-determination which accepted on island the form "enozisa" and has captured all Greek-Cyprian community, has made impossible preservation of the former status of Cyprus without changes. With another - the balance of forces and interests of London, Athenes and Ankara, and also a position a Turk - of Cypriotes, have given to events the trajectory which has prevented inclusion of Cyprus in structure of Greece or its section ("taksim"). The recognition of the limited independence of island, an establishment of a mode of the double power and ethnic dualism in the state system of the new state, and also the account of a special role of Greece, Turkey and the Great Britain keeping on island military bases became a result. The reason which has caused of designing on Cyprus of so difficult compromise, rooted, besides the fact of an involvement into the Cyprian situation of set of actors, in specificity of the character of contradictions on island: according to the author, by the end of 50th of the XX-th century the Cyprian question began to turn to the conflict of the basic interests of the parties. In works under the theory international отношений128 that are understood as the interests realised by participants of the conflict as vitalnye, that is absolutely necessary for maintenance of the survival. In similar cases collision is fraught with struggle to the death, and to "settle" it probably only in two ways: or having frozen for uncertain term till the best times, or rendering such pressing one of the parties at which it will change hierarchy of interests and the core for it there is a pressure termination. At collision of the interests perceived by the parties not as the cores, a field for the compromise is wider: Concessions do not seem fatal. As it has been shown above, the basic interest of Greeks-Cypriotes was expressed by movement for association with Greece ("enozis"), outgrown on a certain stage in the armed form. The Great Britain considering Cyprus as major for maintenance of own strategic interests a component, considered as the core preservation of the presence on island and, hence, counteraction "enozisu". In it the purposes of British coincided with interests turko - the Cyprian community in which with alarm perceived the slogan "enozisa" and the core thereupon believed maintenance of guarantees of the safety. Inability of any of the parties to gain a resolute victory and to impose the will has transformed a situation complicated by an involvement into it of Greece and Turkey, in some kind of a stalemate. Searches of an exit from it and necessity of the account of set of interests have led as a result to the tsjurihsko-London compromise which did not satisfy inquiries of any of the parties completely, but nevertheless reduced them to a common denominator. The given compromise, however, was perceived especially painfully by Greeks-Cypriotes: impossibility of realisation of dream of association with Greece against the limited independence of Cyprus and granting it is disproportionate large powers to a Turkish community of island gave rise practically at all of them to sensation of a disfranchisement. Thereupon simultaneously with acceptance tsjurihsko - the London agreements there was an aspiration to them пересмотру.129Нереализованный interest "enozisa" kept, therefore, value of the core for AND The majority of Greeks-Cypriotes, and agreements 1959 did not eliminate, and for a while froze conflict sources. Thus the basic interest of the turko-Cyprian community was transformed to aspiration to consolidation of the new status quo. Despite nerealizovannost ideas "taksima", Turks-Cypriotes have been satisfied by the reached compromise; being afraid, however, that the Greek community will achieve its revision, they have been firmly adjusted to struggle for its scrupulous preservation. The tsjurihsko-London agreements, thus, did not offer definitive settlement of the Cyprian problem, and finished itself one of its subject lines. The conflict of the basic interests of the parties on Cyprus remained. Thus if before its maintenance consisted, mainly, in opposition of Greeks-Cypriotes and the Great Britain and had no expressed intercommunal pointedness now the problematics of Greek-Turkish "Intracyprian" interaction became key, and the theme of presence of the British military bases paled into insignificance. As has shown time, tsjurihsko - the London agreements have appeared are most effective just in a part, the Great Britain concerning interests. At the same time the explanation to it is covered, at least partially, that the question on the British bases has simply appeared on periphery of interethnic struggle which became the basic maintenance of an internal political situation on Cyprus. Taking into account the tendency of growth intercommunal naprjazheshjusti in 50th of the XX-th century, and also cases of the armed opposition in 1958, developing state of affairs was rather terrible: potentially in a role of the main opponents of Greeks-Cypriotes "colonizers" and their "collaborators", and Turks-Cypriotes in all ethnic weight acted now not. And all taki predefiniteness of the catastrophic scenario of development of intercommunal relations yet was not, and very many depended on political will of the parties and their spirit on cooperation. The first experience of joint intercommunal participation in management of the state model got thereupon special sense. Bringing short results to chapter 1 of the present research, it is necessary to notice also, that by 1960 the Cyprian problem has started to find gradually a considerable part of those characteristic lines which - in an evolving kind - keep value and until now. Besides noted above change of the basic konfliktogennogo maintenances, the situation round Cyprus began to be entered in the international context forming steady actual vectors of interests of the international actors gradually. The basic strategic, political and istoriko-psychological importance of the Cyprian question for Greece, Turkey and the Great Britain involved them in a complex of the interactions supplementing internal level of intercommunal contradictions by difficult centre of relations in a triangle London - Athenes - Ankara. Besides, the separate attention was demanded by communication of the Cyprian communities and the "related" countries: occurrence of friction in these links, especially in ellinisticheskoj to a sheaf, even more confused position. Already the main multilateral formats of regulation of the Cyprian situation were outlined also. On the one hand, membership of Greece, Turkey and London in NATO did the account of strategic interests of the Alliance inevitable and initially pawned potential of influence of NATO on the Cyprian affairs. On the other hand, precedent of wide internationalisation of the Cyprian question in Security council and General Assembly of the United Nations already took place. The difficult interlacing raznourovnevyh interests and factors has predetermined accruing attention to conditions round Cyprus from the USA and the USSR, not connected with island ethnically, economically or historically. The importance of Cyprus for superstates consisted in its strategic arrangement at the Near East and conflict consequences on Cyprus for relations of Greece and Turkey. The USA adopting the first violin in the Cyprian affairs at London which have weakened and receding in a shade, aspired to make everything that the Cyprian contradictions have not led to the armed opposition of Athenes and Ankara and split of southeast flank of NATO. Struggle for foreign policy orientation of the become independent Republic Cyprus in 1960 caused interest of the USSR, taking into consideration positions on island AKEL and prospect of preservation of intensity favorable for Moscow in NATO concerning Cyprus. At the same time comprehension of the importance of Turkey - both in the North Atlantic alliance, and in region as a whole, especially taking into account necessity of maintenance of pass of the Soviet Black Sea fleet through Bosporus and Dardanelless was the major motive of actions of the USSR. - 1974, the following chapter is devoted the analysis of all complex of the moments set forth above which have been especially brightly shown in 1960.
<< | >>
A source: Bredikhin, Oleg Nikolaevich. Cyprus conflict: the genesis and the main stages of development / thesis / Moscow. 2006

More on topic §3. On Cyprus of a mode of the limited independence (1959-60):

  1. §1. A short retrospective show of intercommunal interaction on Cyprus: from sources till 1945
  2. §2. Criteria of the limited responsibility. Medical criterion of the limited responsibility.
  3. independence of the European regional courts of justice
  4. independence of the expert appointed structure of arbitration
  5. §2. Social and economic guarantees of independence of legal profession.
  6. the Appendix № 1. Classification of guarantees of independence of lawyer activity and legal profession:
  7. §3 Classification of guarantees of independence of lawyer activity and legal profession.
  8. a legal regime of personal data as information The limited access
  9. independence of court as the major principle of the judicial organisation and Legal proceedings
  10. Concept of the right of the limited using another's ground area
  11. §2. Independence and impartiality as the basic requirement, shown to performance of functions of the arbitrator
  12. a principle of branch of property and limited liability Participants of corporation
  13. §1. History of development of independence of lawyer activity and legal profession in Russia.
  14. § 2.2. Remedial independence of the inspector and its mutual relation with other imperious subjects of the criminal trial
  15. Limited liability of individual investors.
  16. §4. Legal effects of a recognition of the limited responsibility.
  17. Chapter 3. Maintenance of independence and impartiality of arbitrators at a legal investigation in joint structure
  18. § 2. Independence of controls higher educational institutions