§1. A short retrospective show of intercommunal interaction on Cyprus: from sources till 1945

Starting point of relations of Greeks and the Turk on Cyprus is capture of this belonging then Venetians of island Ottomansky empire (157071)} Thus in a historiography do not have a common opinion concerning the first experience of Greek-Turkish dialogue: on the one hand, the part of Greeks-Cypriotes welcomed osmanskie armies as deliverers from oppression of the Catholics severely maintaining the local orthodox population and undertaking attempts of its violent reference in католичество.33 On the other hand, in some cases Greeks-Cypriotes and Venetians battled side by side against интервентов.34Стремление strongly to be fixed on strategically important island has induced sultan Selima II to inflow maintenance on island of immigrants from Asia Minor. Military men and peasants-immigrants have begun a Turkish community of the island which number has reached soon, by estimations, about 30 thousand persons; the Greek - Cyprian population made then order of 150 thousand persons. Acquaintance to the bibliography devoted osmanskomu to domination on Cyprus, shows a combination of tendencies to its idealisation and "demonizatsii". Abolition of the western model of feudalism, strengthening of a role of orthodox church, investment of the Greek-Cyprian community with some rights and privileges within the limits of system "milletov", and also rather soft vlastnoprimenitelnaja practice - anyway, during some periods - allows a part of researchers to assert, that Cyprus has faced «the least rigid form of domination», in comparison with other territories Порты.35 At the same time the literature is full of certificates on the most barbarous displays osmanskogo oppression. Combination of similar estimations creates a many-sided picture of intercommunal interaction at which balanced - in the theory - osmanskoe the administration repeatedly reformed and usovershenstvuemoe from Istanbul, was substituted for an arbitrariness and despotism on places, is often identical severe and unfair as concerning simple Greeks-Cypriotes, and a Turk. By means of the transformations of Port carried out on Cyprus has really provided certain degree of tolerance to belief of the Greek community and has transferred control of its affairs to orthodox metropolitans, dragomanu and to the Archbishop. Last received the status "etnarha" - the spiritual and administrative representative of Greeks-Cypriotes allocated with the right of the direct reference to the sultan and a duty of taxation. The church property was not assessed with taxes; at the same time the part of receipts collected on a place remained with clergy, strengthening its economic situation and authority. Granted and confirmed firmanami 1572, 1660, 1754 of the privilege officially recognised church spiritual and a politiko-administrative centre Greek общины.36 Succession of events on Cyprus has shown, that clergy, balancing between interests of flock, local Muslim administration and the sultan, for the time being regularly acted in a role of the intermediary between Greeks-Cypriotes and portoj. Simultaneously investment of church with privileges has caused jealousy of Muslim elite, whose discontent accrued in direct dependence on ability of clergy to strengthen the status.
It became especially appreciable on boundary XVIII-XIX centuries when Archbishop Hrisanf (1767-1810) has managed even more to expand the rights церкви.37 Along with ambiguous activity on the real motives Greek-Cyprian dragomana H.Kornesiosa (1779-1809), it has aggravated relations in elite so, that the Muslim top has hastened to take advantage of revolution in Greece 1821 for squaring of accounts with the top echelon of clergy invested by the power. The population of Cyprus varied in due course. Exact data on dynamics of a demographic parity of communities, however, are not present: the first census has been spent only in 1841 Thus on the basis of comparison of available historical certificates it is considered to be, that in XVII-XIX centuries it is a parity fluctuated in limits 2:8 - 3:7 in favour of Greeks-kipriotov.38 Despite existence on Cyprus various religious identichnostej, the basic reference group there there was family - related clan and the rural community which members were both orthodox, and Moslems. The proof of this thesis is the considerable quantity of intercommunal marriages, the big percent of ethnically mixed villages, practice of loan of names each other and joint departure of some ceremonies, and also cases of double belief ("lipovamvaki"). The Cyprian dialects of the Greek and Turkish languages contain till now much the general; the overwhelming majority of Cypriotes spoke both in a Greek way, and in Turkish. Heavy agricultural works also encouraged a joint life, work and rest. Opening of the turko-Cyprian versions of the Greek-Cyprian folklore («Akritsky ballads») - fuller, than Greek originals became an indicative find. Association of interests occurred, thus, not on the basis of religious / an ethnic accessory of people, and depending on their status in an imperious pyramid. Not casually at osmanskom domination conflicts on Cyprus had the plot not interethnic, and interclass contradictions are faster. So, the revolts registered in chronicles (1578, 1665, 1680, 1712, 1764-5, 1783, 1804, 1830 and 1833) were joint performances of peasants of Cyprus - orthodox and Moslems - against correcting элиты.39 Thus, oppressed layers of Ottomansky empire represented on Cyprus in many respects the uniform mixed weight, diverse only on the religion. Certificates of the travellers visiting Cyprus in osmansky the period, also do not mention serious social distinctions or contradictions between communities. As confirms record in the report of the British consular department on Cyprus (1862), «Moslems live in the world with the Christian neighbours in cities and in a province».40 At the same time, despite presence of certain preconditions, uniform obshchekiprskaja identity on island has not developed. Istanbul itself authorised isolation of the most formed part of the Greek-Cyprian community - orthodox clergy. As a result monasteries and church schools have turned to the centres of the Greek culture, erudition and spirituality, strongholds "osobosti" against absence of household or status distinctions in the bulk the population. As a matter of fact, preservation on Cyprus ellinskoj identity has been provided by church. Lifting of consciousness among the Greek intellectuals in Europe, begun in the end of XVIII century under the influence of the French revolution, has mentioned also Cyprus. That fact is characteristic, for example, that among the nearest associates of an ideological harbinger of the Greek revolution of K.Rigasa (Velestinlisa Fereosa), the appreciable role was played by Cypriote I.Karatzas. To 1815-20 the establishment of contacts of Greeks-Cypriotes (including Archbishop Kiprianosa) with Greek revolutionary группами.41 concerns The beginning of national-liberation war for independence of Greece (March, 1821) has not caused, however, large performances on Cyprus. Moreover, Archbishop Kiprianos, really estimating a parity of forces (and being afraid to do much harm to interests of church on Cyprus), has immediately urged orthodox flock to keep calmness and to hand over to the authorities available weapon. The legislative behaviour of Greeks-Cypriotes even has been with satisfaction noted corresponding firmanom the sultan. Nevertheless, emancipating performances of continental Greeks have been used osmanskoj by administration of island for razvjazyvanija reprisals against orthodox clergy. In the absence of clear powers on that from Istanbul, the Archbishop and church hierarches of Cyprus have been accused of assistance to insurgents and are executed (July, 1821). Thus a mass slaughter or collisions on religious soil has not followed. As a whole, participation of Greeks-Cypriotes in war for independence of Greece was rather not numerous and practically has not mentioned Cyprus. The Greek historiography, the truth, is not uniform in the given estimation, 42 and some authors write about the important contribution of Cypriotes to national-liberation struggle of Greece. At the same time the large armed performances on Cyprus it has not been noted. Cypriotes have rather easy concerned patriotic appeals from the commander of the Greek flotilla K.Kanarisa (June, 1821). Have not received mass support and the armed actions undertaken by representatives of the Greek-Cyprian elite in Pathos and Nicosia. As a result supporters of revolution have been compelled to leave from island on continent where the basic events were developed. But also there the number of Cypriotes in groups of insurgents did not exceed several hundreds. Despite rough events of 20th of XIX century, the general character of intercommunal relations and specificity of an imperious vertical on Cyprus remained former. Departure from island of active supporters of struggle became the additional factor of preservation of stability. It is indicative also, that performances of the Cyprian peasants in 1830 and 1833 again were united. Thus, however, creation of the independent Greek state has accelerated distribution process on Cyprus ellinskogo самосознания.43 Inherent osmanskomu to board a share of tolerance concerning Greeks-Cypriotes allowed the last to develop economic and spiritual relations with Greece, school curricula and where the Greek-Cyprian elite began to receive higher education whence were borrowed. Thus continued to become stronger and political installation, zadashgaja the first governor independent Ellady I.Kapodistriej, on inclusion of all earths occupied by Greeks in structure uniform государства.44Настроения in favour of joining of Cyprus to Greece - "enozisa" - postepeshju all took roots in consciousness of each following generation of Greeks and Greeks-Cypriotes more deeply and more deeply. The administrative and fiscal transformations undertaken on Cyprus osmanskimi by governors in 30th of XIX century, stimulated island economy. Cancellation of some taxes, commerce encouragement, the admission of Greeks-Cypriotes to the decision of some administrative questions - all it promoted improvement of an economic situation on Cyprus and to its transformation, according to Greek, we will notice, the researcher, in one of «most effectively operated Turkish provinces».45 Thus Islam uncooperative altitude to commerce has led to that the class of bourgeoisie arising in XIX century on Cyprus became almost completely Greek-Cyprian. Quickly increasing the well-being, it, along with clergy, has made base for distribution of ideas "enozisa". The church, however, continued to remain the stability factor in relations of Greeks-Cypriotes, local osmanskoj administration and Istanbul, cooling at times not rather hotheads. When, in particular, after the unsuccessful beginning for Ottoman empire the Crimean war on Cyprus there were leaflets with appeals to revolt (the end of 1853), Archbishop Cyril has urged flock to show calmness and not to give in on provocation. As a whole, development of the Greek-Cyprian identity has not mentioned while population great bulk - крестьян.46 In the thickness intercommunal relations remained equal, and even carriers "ellinskogo" consciousnesses an obstacle to realisation of the political ideal saw not in simple Moslems, and in ruling estate Ports. Transfer of Cyprus from Ottoman empire to London in 1878 has been apprehended by Greeks-Cypriotes with hope. Considering the Great Britain as the Christian democratic country which assisted Ellade during an epoch of struggle for independence and have transferred to it Ionian Islands (1864), they hoped, that London with understanding will concern requirements "enozisa". However British, anyway, to the First World War, have been adjusted on observance of the contract with portoj according to which the island was in the British management, but de jure remained in borders osmanskogo суверенитета.47 In general to Cyprus from giving of prime minister B.Dizraeli strategic significance of a key to the Near East was initially attached. And though in process of prompt distribution of the British influence to region the military importance of Cyprus decreased (especially after reception by Englishmen of the control over ports of Egypt in 1882), London always considered island as the major spare position. Right after establishments on Cyprus the British administration there was an appreciable change of mutual perception of communities: till 1878 Turks-Cypriotes, always remaining on Cyprus in minority, felt overwhelming overweight over Greeks at the expense of the integrirovannosti in structure of Ottoman empire; now loss of a direct communication with Istanbul has generated feeling of fear and uncertainty. London somewhat divided these of concern. In the opinion of Greeks - of Cypriotes it looked, at least, as bias or even purposeful aspiration of "artful Albion» to push off communities. At the same time the opinion that London tried to combine own pragmatical imperial interests with the representations about liberalism and справедливости.48 So, U.Cherchill who was in 1907 is represented to more correct The deputy minister of colonial possession, has openly declared about «estestvegajusti aspirations of Greeks-Cypriotes to association with Greece which they believe mother-native land». At the same time "fair" interests of the turko-Cyprian minority and a reason of regional stability, according to the same U.Cherchillja, demanded from London to resist "enozisu".49 Liberal views of the approach of London to a situation on Cyprus are confirmed and at once carried out to British on island with the transformations which have received in a historiography, however, ambiguous оценку.50 On the one hand, for the first time Certain administrative self-management was given to Cyprus: according to the granted constitution, at the British High commissioner (since 1925 the chief executive began to be called as the Governor) the Legislative Council with powers of the statement of the budget, taxes etc. was established, which members (3 British and 3 Cypriotes) were appointed the Supreme commissioner. After acceptance of amendments to 1882 the appointment principle has remained only concerning colonial officials (their number has been increased to 6, and in 1925 to 9 people); communities have acquired the right to select the representatives: a three from Turks-Cypriotes and devjateryh (since 1925 - 12) from not Moslems. On the other hand, Council did not possess the right of a definitive voice, and Englishmen ignored time and again its opinion. Besides the Council structure reflected so that blocking of the British officials and Turks-Cypriotes balanced the Greek-Cyprian majority - tactics which has given an occasion to Greeks - to Cypriotes to accuse London in following politicians «divide and dominate», and Turks-Cypriotes - in indulgence to colonizers. Formation of Council became, as a matter of fact, an official recognition of "separateness" of interests of communities. Creation of separate Greek - and turko-Cyprian proxy councils concerning religion and the culture, allocated with the right of development of independent contacts to Athenes and Istanbul, also promoted isolation and internal consolidation of communities. The reform of the education system which establishing obshchegrazhdanskie schools and have raised level of literacy of local population undertaken by British, kept a principle of a complete set of schools to an ethnic sign and expanded existing practice of a set of teachers from the "related" countries - Greece and Turkey. As consequence, ethnically focused intelligency became stronger, "ellinskoj" identity on Wednesday of Greeks-Cypriotes, and feeling of isolation penetration was in addition stimulated in a Muslim community укоренялось.1 Already from the end of XIX century the Greek-Cyprian requirement "enozisa" becomes more and more persevering: it is put forward in the Legislative Council, in a press, in streets, in memorandums directed to the Supreme commissioner, during trips of different level of delegations to London. More than thousand Cypriotes have taken part in Greek-Turkish war for Crete (1897) on the party of Greece. Centuries concern boundary XIX-XX also the first cases of intercommunal opposition: in reply to requirements "enozisa", Turks-Cypriotes in Council began to block the Greek-Cyprian offers on economic questions. Orientirovannost Greeks-Cypriotes exclusively on "enozis" - without attempts to consider interests the Turk of Cyprus to expand the political rights of all population of island and to provide an autonomy mode - only strengthened anxiety of the last, forcing to see guarantors of the safety in британцах.51 Building sekuljarizovannuju the board model, the Great Britain on Cyprus cut down church privileges, having displeased clergy. At the same time liberalisation of a public life has allowed hierarches to preach "enozis" openly. Facing powerful church tradition, London, apparently, not up to the end realised its force as the spiritual and political guide of the Greek community and underestimated dangers of confrontation with it. Economic results of English board on Cyprus also are ambiguous. According to the general rule of the British colonial policy, dependent territories it is independent, without the aid of mother country, provided the well-being. In the conditions of poor Cyprus burdened by payment in treasury of high taxes, 52 such principle was transformed (in estimations of a considerable part of the Greek and Greek-Cyprian public opinion) to purposeful oppression of local population at full oblivion of development of island. Besides, the economy of Cyprus was built counting upon satisfaction of needs of mother country, first of all, in agricultural raw materials and minerals, that, in turn, predetermined its one-sided and unbalanced character of "appendage".53 At the same time at direct participation of British on Cyprus the branched out network of roads has been constructed, the infrastructure of ports is improved, the public health services system is reformed, the malaria is won. In agriculture sphere, besides expansion of system of an irrigation and disembarkation of additional afforestations, co-operative societies were based, practice of agrarian crediting was entered. The confused tax system which has remained in the inheritance from Ottoman empire was besides, reformed, and also the tradition which has remained until now of Anglo-Saxon legal proceedings and administration was introduced. Lines of economic backwardness on Cyprus, however, remained, and the situation has started to change for the better considerably only from the end of 30th of XX century, after introduction of a preferential tax mode and realisation of investments. Englishmen, it is necessary to note, realised movement potential for "enozis" and were ready to offer Cyprus for the sake of the strategic interests. So, in 1912-13 in London reflected over transfer of island of Greece in exchange for reception of bases on Ionian Islands and Peloponnese. In October, 1915 London already clearly let know, that at immediate joining of Greece to Antante will not object "enozisa". Athenes where split concerning a choice of allies in war reigned, have begun to hesitate and промедлили.54 Greek-Turkish opposition during Balkan and the First world wars, and also a failure of the Greek intervention in Asia Minor (1922), accompanied by violent resettlement from Turkey to Greece more than 1 million Greeks, has not caused intercommunal collisions on Cyprus. On island the cores there were not interethnic, but the social and economic problems which have become aggravated by the end 20гг. Even more. In the turko-Cyprian community up to the middle of XX century slowly there was a process of exarticulation new - Turkish - identity from "osmanskoj".55 Greek - Cyprian nationalism, the basic barrier for "enozisa" seeing in British, too did not provoke an aggravation of intercommunal relations. Coincidence and nadetnichnost interests of a considerable part of Cypriotes proved to be true also their joint participation in co-operative agrarian movement, trade-union workers организациях56 and Communist Parties of Cyprus. Creation of Communist party of Cyprus in 1926 meant an exit on a political scene of working class and new ideology. As a matter of fact, communists have made alternative to tserkovno-burzhuazno-country movement for "enozis": Communist Party manifestos called both Greeks - and a Turk - of Cypriotes for a unification in struggle against the British imperialism for an autonomy of Cyprus and creation in the long term the Workers' and Peasants' government острова.57 Nevertheless, the aspiration to "enozisu", getting more and more radical rhetoric, remains the main political ground on Cyprus. In second half 20th, under influence «maloaziatskoj accidents», in it, the truth, the moderate wing supporting the compromise with London (an island autonomy) and issued in January, 1930 in EOK - «the National organisation of Cyprus» was allocated. London, however, was afraid concessions to inspire nationalists and consequently refused any negotiations. On the island radical supporters "enozisa" in turn did everything to compromise "moderated": sabotage actions, however, organised created in 1929 secret «the National radical union of Cyprus» (EREK), have only strengthened British in correctness of an uncompromising line. Management in Athenes, as well as public opinion, also not was common: the part believed it, that only «the noble weapon» Cyprus will unite with L Greece. During too time the official line in 20-30th of XX century consisted in maintenance of allied relations with London and aspiration to the compromise by means of expansion of the political rights of Cypriotes and the subsequent "enozisa" at preservation for British important from the strategic point of view of port of Famagusta. It is indicative, that at signing of Lozannsky arrangements of any reservations concerning Cyprus by Greece it has not been made. The movement peak for "enozis" between world wars has fallen to October, 1931, when appeals of the Greek-Cyprian nationalists to civil disobedience have led to that peace demonstration in capital (Nicosia, on October, 21st) has outgrown in skirmishes with police. Then performances in a province have followed. Unorganized and in-co-ordinate, they were, however, quickly and rigidly подавлены.58 Turks-Cypriotes of participation in actions did not accept; thus interethnic collisions also was not. It is interesting, that the government of Greece in connection with October events on island has declared, that a problem of Cyprus in mutual relations with the Great Britain not стоит.59 After 1931 recession was outlined in movement for "enozis". Englishmen in turn began undertake actively measures against propagation of the Greek and Turkish nationalism on Cyprus. Besides abolition of the Legislative Council and prosecution of supporters "enozisa", use of the state colours and symbols of Greece and Turkey was forbidden, censorship in the press amplified. In attempt to encourage formation "nadobshchgapjuj" identity joint schools where practice of a set of teachers varied were established and use of the Greek and Turkish textbooks stopped. For preparation of teachers the special college was based on the Cyprus in to the Morph. Also efforts on improvement of an economic situation of island were made. The taken measures have relieved the tension. The beginning of the Second World War which has made Greece and England by allies, has even more smoothed contradictions between Greeks-Cypriotes and London. Mestobljustitel Archiepiscopal L Throne on Cyprus metropolitan Leonty has officially blest Greeks-Cypriotes on joint struggle against British against the general enemy. By estimations, about 30 thousand Greeks-Cypriotes, both left, and right, have taken part in war as a part of British сил.60 Thus overwhelming majority of Greeks-Cypriotes have been convinced that the promise of London about granting to the allied people after a victory of the right to self-management will be realised on Cyprus exclusively in a kind "enozisa". Initiatives of the London Cyprian committee, 61 supporting reception by island of the independent status, support of Greeks-Cypriotes have not received. That fact, that in April, 1941 the prime minister of Greece Em is interesting also. TSuderos has presented to the English ambassador the memorandum with the offer for the period of German occupation of Athenes to place the government of Greece on Cyprus, and after war end to attach island to Ellade. The given idea, however, has been immediately rejected by London under the pretext of that as a result Cyprus risks to become object of fascist aggression. Turks-Cypriotes of participation in fights did not accept, that taking into account a position of Ankara in war provoked to them rather guarded relation. It is simultaneously necessary to note, what exactly in 1940-45 crystallises political identity a Turk of Cyprus: in 1943 there were first turko-Cyprian trade unions generated by an ethnic principle; in 1945 «the Turkish national people party of Cyprus».62 Given organisations has been based had no ideology of national clearing; their main problem consisted in maintenance of safety of Turks-Cypriotes before threat "enozisa". This installation did a Turk of Cyprus by potential allies of British and simultaneously pawned an intensity charge in structure while peace relations of Greeks - and Turks-Cypriotes. J Summing up the short analysis mezhobshchishjugo interactions on Cyprus, peaceful co-existence of Greeks - and Turks-Cypriotes, and also absence of interethnic collisions on island in osmansky is necessary to ascertain the period (1571 - 1878). In one of a domestic reference media Cyprus even is figuratively characterised as "an ethnographic fruit pie in which Greek and Turkish smorodinki are mixed in each city, on everyone L To street ". At this time the basic plot of political opposition were not ethnic, but social-class contradictions. Association of interests of representatives of communities occurred on a basis not a religious/ethnic accessory, and depending on their position in uniform imperious structure. Thus nadobshchiinaja "obshchekiprskaja" identity nevertheless was not generated, and on island two continued to co-exist in parallel various, but not antagonistic a generality. Recognition portoj of the rights and a certain autonomy of the Greek-Cyprian community, first of all orthodox church, has fixed its spiritual "osobost". The lifting of the national consciousness which has begun in the Greek community on a boundary XVIII - XIX centuries, was accompanied by requirement occurrence about association of Cyprus and Greece - "enozisa". This movement, however, was rather small and mentioned originally only orthodox clergy and the Greek-Cyprian bourgeoisie. And though creation of the independent Greek state has accelerated process of distribution of ideas "enozisa", in the thickness intercommunal relations remained equal. In the British board growth of consciousness of communities, stimulirovannyj granting of large powers by it in spheres of culture, religion and formation, has led to strengthening ethnic identichnostej Greeks - and Turks-Cypriotes: they it is already perfect osoznanno felt itself not as Cypriotes, and descendants of antiquity, ellinizma and Byzantium or a part osmanskogo (postosmanskogo) heritages, соответственно.63 Social activity of communities concentrated round various religions and cultural traditions. Training at schools was conducted separately to an ethnic sign; teachers were typed in Greece and Turkey, school plans and where natives of communities received higher education whence were copied. Intercommunal marriages consisted now rather seldom. And though Greeks - and Turks-Cypriotes continued to live side by side, it is important to mean existence of separate quarters in cities with the mixed population and a considerable quantity of monoethnic villages; Quantity of villages with the mixed population сокращалось.64 the British model of management created the favorable environment for development of the Greek-Cyprian movement for "enozis" which caused reciprocal though and with delay on time, increase turko - the Cyprian nationalism. When London began to realise gravity of a situation and has tried to provide designing "nadobshchinnogo" consciousness, was late: separate identity of communities were already generated. Thus about intercommunal antagonism yet there was no also a speech, interethnic communications remained quiet. The basic maintenance of a political life on island still was made by social and economic problems and the opposition of Greeks-Cypriotes added to them and London apropos "enozisa": events of October, 1931 have only confirmed it. At the same time danger of that the potential intercommunal conflict on Cyprus could have long and fierce character «the conflict identichnostej», 65 already started to be looked through. Maintenance of intercommunal calmness needed care and restraint of all participants of the Cyprian situation. Thereupon significant for the present research the conclusion about absence of any historically deep, initially predetermined enmity of Greeks - and a Turk-kipriotov.66 is represented As has been shown, communities peacefully got on on island, and gradual development different (but not clashing) identichnostej was not accompanied to defined - rather recent - a stage by an aggravation of their mutual relations, especially to level of inevitable power collision. Thus, for the present work the conclusion that the Cyprian conflict is young enough is represented rather important and its roots leave not in thickness of centuries or psychology, and, more likely, in days of the newest history of Cyprus. And their transformation in opposition, including under the influence of "external" factors (first of all, the Great Britain, to Greece and Turkey), the following paragraph is devoted the analysis of processes of crystallisation of intercommunal contradictions.
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A source: Bredikhin, Oleg Nikolaevich. Cyprus conflict: the genesis and the main stages of development / thesis / Moscow. 2006

More on topic §1. A short retrospective show of intercommunal interaction on Cyprus: from sources till 1945:

  1. §2. Strengthening of intercommunal pressure on island after the Second World War (1945-1958)
  2. §1.1. Essence of extraordinary jurisdiction in a historiographic retrospective show
  3. § 1.3 Questions of protection of foreign investments in a historical retrospective show
  4. the Retrospective show of evolution of punishment in the form of freedom restriction in Russia
  5. a personnel reserve in law-enforcement bodies: a retrospective show of legal and organizational bases
  6. §1. Crisis of intercommunal interaction (1963) and its consequences
  7. criminal suicides in Russia and abroad: a historical retrospective show, the analysis of a modern situation
  8. 8.2. The Soviet economy in days of war (1941–1945) and during the post-war period (1945–1953)
  9. 1.4. The characteristic of sources, short data on authors
  10. §3. On Cyprus of a mode of the limited independence (1959-60)
  11. §3. Intercommunal negotiations 1968-74 and Turkish intrusion
  12. features of state-legal maintenance of safety of traffic in the conditions of a wartime (1941-1945)
  13. 3.8 Regular monitoring of show of the purposes of quality of a difficult process
  14. investigation and counterspionage of the USA the day before and in days of the Second World War (1933-1945)
  15. § 4. The second period of history of formation of institute of responsibility for fulfilment of encroachments on departure of the international criminal justice: 1945-1949
  16. § 2.2.2. A retrospective layer of the existential organisation of the letter in the future
  17. §1. A historical stage of development till 1740
  18. 1.1. Jews in Russia till 1772